Skip to main content

United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

Chapter 8 - Developing a national well-being measurement framework

Languages and translations
English

Chapter 8 Developing a national well-being measurement framework

Eleanor Rees

Head of the Quality of Life team

July 2024

Chapter purpose

Bring together the content presented to date and translate

it into a practical guide to creating a well-being framework

Guidance chapter structure

1. Introduction

2. Measurement frameworks

3. Dimensions and core indicators

4. Links to other measurement initiatives

5. Data Sources

6. Composite indicators

7. Communication

8. Development a national well-being measurement framework

9. Annex 1 – Detailed list of indicators by domains

Chapter 8 - part 1

Introduction

Reflect on why commonalities exist in conceptualisation between national

frameworks

• Desire for international comparison balance of domains

• Objective versus subjective

• Stock or flow measures

• Unit of interest

• Distributions

• Human centricity

• Culture

• Outcome versus drivers

• Well-being now and in the future

Chapter 8 – part 2

Practical steps – Plan research

Commission1 Definition2 Expectations3 Scope4

Technical Advisory Group5 Communication

Strategy6 Plan Research7

Practical steps – Carry out your research

Literature Review8 Other

frameworks9 Data review10 Collate

evidence11

Domain Structure12 Finalise

definitions13 Proposed indicators14 Presentation

mode15

Practical steps – Develop your framework

Review16 Refine17 Agree18 Delivery

and launch

19

Practical steps – Finalise your framework

Country example – New Zealand

Chapter 8 – part 3

People to bring with you

Policy teams and ministers

Organisational directors and

leaders

Data providers and survey

teams

Community groups and

NGOs

Analysts in departments

Advisory groups Data

visualisation Communications

teams

Media teams Sceptics

Understand your constraints

Timing Timeliness Punctuality Geographic Coverage

Local data Aspirational

versus reality data sets

Do you want subset

frameworks

Resources – funding and

staff

Longevity

How do you transition the work programme from being a priority

Adapt, Adapt, Adapt

Who will be responsible for

delivering it over time

Create a sense of shared ownership

Timely media presence

Comparability over time

Thank you

Eleanor Rees

[email protected]

  • Slide 1: Chapter 8 Developing a national well-being measurement framework
  • Slide 2: Chapter purpose
  • Slide 3: Guidance chapter structure
  • Slide 4: Chapter 8 - part 1
  • Slide 5: Introduction
  • Slide 6: Chapter 8 – part 2
  • Slide 7: Practical steps – Plan research
  • Slide 8: Practical steps – Carry out your research
  • Slide 9: Practical steps – Develop your framework
  • Slide 10
  • Slide 11: Country example – New Zealand
  • Slide 12: Chapter 8 – part 3
  • Slide 13: People to bring with you
  • Slide 14: Understand your constraints
  • Slide 15: Longevity
  • Slide 16

Developing and reviewing a well-being framework and the use of qualitative research, Office for National Statistics, United Kingdom

Languages and translations
English

Developing and Reviewing a Well-being Framework and the use of Qualitative Research

Eleanor Rees

Head of the Quality of Life team

July 2024

Background to Well-being in the UK

UK Measures of National Well-being

Qualitative research

• National Debate

• Open text questions – content analyses

• Open text questions – thematically analysed

• Focus Groups

Qualitative research in the establishment of the UK Measures of National Well-being

Quotes from the National Debate “Simple and efficient access to appropriate health care is my highest priority”

“Does having good connections with friends and relatives convey the importance of having a partner and

sex”

“Job satisfaction and economic security matter enormously, having lost house, income, savings in early

90's negative equity crisis when house prices fell off a cliff and interest rates soared...”

“The well-being of my family and friends. Good coffee and tea. Nice food. Good books and music.

Sleep. Many things matter to me”

“I feel that this is a huge waste of time and money for the government…Happiness is not a thing to be

quantified and can change rapidly according to a ridiculous amount of factors”

“The middle earners may not consider wealth to be significant in terms of happiness but it is difficult to be

happy when you have nothing!!!”

Qualitative research in the review of the UK Measures of National Well-being

Open questions on the Opinions and Lifestyle Survey (OPN)

What matters most for the well-being of individuals

and communities in Great Britain?

Opinions and Lifestyle Survey, 12 to 23 October 2022

2. Thinking about the wellbeing of your community,

what do you think is most important? By community

we mean a group that you feel a part of. [Multiple-

choice]

•Relationships and social support,

•Trust between people,

•Helping or giving support to the community,

•Feeling safe,

•Feeling that you belong,

•Having your voice heard,

•Having the facilities you need,

•The quality of the environment and how it is cared for,

•Everyone feeling they can be included,

•Caring for future generations,

•Other OR None of the above

1. The following question asks you to

think about what is important in your

life.

What things matter most to your

own wellbeing? [Free-text]

Text Description Family members and their

welfare

Includes mentions of family members (children, siblings, parents, partner, pets), family member’s welfare and well-

being, and caring for family members.

Physical or mental health Includes mentions of health (either physical or mental) of the respondent or their family members, low stress, and

access to healthcare and medication.

Personal financial situation Includes mentions of financial security, having money or earning well, being able to afford the necessities or living

comfortably, and being able to provide for the family, as well as having a home and being able to afford

accommodation.

Friends or a community Includes mentions of friends, friends’ welfare and well-being, having companionship, and being part of a community.

Good relationships or social

interactions

Includes mentions of having good relationships (romantic and non-romantic), happy or stable family life, spending time

with others, and socialising.

Work or factors related to work Includes mentions of working, having a job, job security, job satisfaction, work-life balance, and having spare time.

Doing things that have

purpose

Includes mentions of having a purpose, doing meaningful things, keeping busy, feeling valued or worthwhile, achieving

goals, as well as pursuing personal development activities, education, training, and career progression.

Being happy Includes mentions of happiness, being content, and enjoying life.

Being active or eating good

food

Includes mentions of exercise, being active, good food, diet, and keeping healthy lifestyle.

Free time activities Includes mentions of hobbies, free time activities, travel, holidays, and cultural activities.

Safety or security Includes mentions of security or safety (of the respondent or their family members), and feeling safe.

Access to nature or outdoor

spaces

Includes mentions of having access to nature or outdoor spaces, being outdoors, access to or living in the countryside,

having a garden or an allotment, and gardening.

Being free or able to do what I

want

Includes mentions of being independent and maintaining independence (including physical independence or physical

mobility), freedom, ability to do what I want, and self-sufficiency.

Stated “nothing” or “don’t

know”

Includes mentions of nothing, not applicable, and don’t know.

Other specific factors

mentioned

Includes mentions of things that could not be classified into any of the other themes or were mentioned too

infrequently to make a unique theme. Among those, religion and spirituality, capable government and good

policymaking, being able to cope with life and manage every day, stability, getting enough sleep, and climate change,

the environment and sustainability were mentioned most often.

Individual well-being Analysis:

Answers to the individual well-being question were

manually coded into 15 themes, then analysed

quantitatively.

Insights:

• Factors mentioned most frequently mirror the themes

identified during the National Well-being Debate in

2011.

• No statistically significant differences were found

between females and males.

• The percentage of people reporting health increased

with age, while the percentage mentioning friends, and

relationships or social interactions lowered.

Individual and community well-being, Great Britain - Office for National

Statistics (ons.gov.uk)

Community well-being Analysis:

Quantitative analysis (with Other answers reviewed and

coded before).

Insights:

• Feeling safe was the top priority for community well-

being, irrespective of age. However, other generational

differences appeared between the youngest and the

oldest age groups.

• Females were more likely to select feeling safe and trust

between people.

• Those reporting low personal well-being were less likely

to select trust between people than those who did not

report low personal well-being. This was driven by

males with low well-being.

Individual and community well-being, Great Britain - Office for National

Statistics (ons.gov.uk)

Open questions on Consultation Survey

Review Survey – Summary of responses

Aim:

To ensure that our measures continue to reflect what is important to well-

being in the UK, and that our dissemination tools are meeting our users’

needs

Duration:

10 weeks, from 3 October to 9 December 2022

Summary of responses:

118 responses were submitted through the survey, 2 responses were sent via

email

onssresponse-reviewofthemeasuresofnationalwell-

being.pdf

Question: In your opinion, what is most important for national well-being?

Method: thematic analysis conducted independently by two researchers

Results: 20 main themes

• subjective and emotional well-being

• good mental health and availability of mental

health support

• good physical health

• social networks and meaningful relationships

• community connections, cohesion and

belonging

• culture of care and support for each other

• reduction of inequalities and discrimination

• financial security, having money and being

able to live comfortably

• availability of social security and welfare

support

• quality and accessibility of public services

• housing that is affordable, secure and of good

quality

• good working lives, satisfaction with jobs and

work-life balance

• personal development opportunities

• pursuing hobbies, interest, and free-time

activities

• physical safety and security of individuals and

spaces

• access to green spaces

• stable economy

• trust that government is capable and represents

the people

• democratic values and civic participation

• protection of the natural environment

onssresponse-reviewofthemeasuresofnationalwell-

being.pdf

Review Survey – Feedback on the measures We asked several open questions where respondents had a chance to provide comments about

improvements they would like to see.

Things mentioned most frequently included:

• Greater emphasis on inequality

• Inclusion of additional sub-population breakdowns

• Improved geographic coverage

• Improved timeliness and consistency of the indicator updates

• Consideration of children as part of the framework

• Increasing public profile of the measures

• Improved policy relevance and use

• Improved storytelling and data presentation

onssresponse-reviewofthemeasuresofnationalwell-

being.pdf

Focus Groups

Focus Groups

The aims of this research were to:

1. understand what wellbeing means to these participants

2. explore drivers of and barriers to well-being, both as

individuals and as a group

3. identify potential gaps within the Measures of National

Well-being.

Findings from qualitative analysis of focus group discussions with LGBT+,

Black, Black British, Black Caribbean and Black African, and Arab adults -

Office for National Statistics

Findings from qualitative analysis of focus group discussions with LGBT+,

Black, Black British, Black Caribbean and Black African, and Arab adults -

Office for National Statistics

Focus Groups - Findings

LGBT+ Black, Black British, Black Caribbean

and Black African Arab

Health

Feeling unable to complain about poor

NHS care

Feeling discriminated against and

excluded by healthcare services

Feeling discriminated against and excluded

by healthcare services

Experiencing substandard or ill-informed

NHS care due to your gender

Being disproportionately impacted by

COVID-19

Distrust in healthcare services, for example,

fearing children will be taken away

Feeling unsafe when accessing the NHS

(physically and emotionally)

Cultural stigma around mental health,

which discourages help-seeking

Cultural stigma around mental health, which

discourages help-seeking

Finding it difficult to access health

services Depression or burnout Having poor physical or mental health

Having poor health or aging Poor nutrition due to financial situation

Poor nutrition due to financial situation

Thank you

Eleanor Rees

[email protected]

  • Slide 1: Developing and Reviewing a Well-being Framework and the use of Qualitative Research
  • Slide 2: Background to Well-being in the UK
  • Slide 3: UK Measures of National Well-being
  • Slide 4: Qualitative research
  • Slide 5: Qualitative research in the establishment of the UK Measures of National Well-being
  • Slide 6: Quotes from the National Debate
  • Slide 7: Qualitative research in the review of the UK Measures of National Well-being
  • Slide 8: Open questions on the Opinions and Lifestyle Survey (OPN)
  • Slide 9
  • Slide 10
  • Slide 11: Individual well-being
  • Slide 12: Community well-being
  • Slide 13: Open questions on Consultation Survey
  • Slide 14: Review Survey – Summary of responses
  • Slide 15
  • Slide 16: Review Survey – Feedback on the measures
  • Slide 17: Focus Groups
  • Slide 18: Focus Groups
  • Slide 19: Focus Groups
  • Slide 20: Focus Groups - Findings
  • Slide 21

UK measures of national well-being, Office for National Statistics, United Kingdom

Languages and translations
English

UK Measures of National Well-being

Eleanor Rees

Head of the Quality of Life team

July 2024

Developing our framework

Background to the Measures of National Well-being

2010 – the then National Statistician, Dame Jil

Matheson, launched the ONS National Well-being

Programme.

“We must measure what matters - the key

elements of national well-being. We want

to develop measures based on what

people tell us matters most.”

Quotes from the National Debate “Simple and efficient access to appropriate health care is my highest priority”

“Does having good connections with friends and relatives convey the importance of having a partner and

sex”

“Job satisfaction and economic security matter enormously, having lost house, income, savings in early

90's negative equity crisis when house prices fell off a cliff and interest rates soared...”

“The well-being of my family and friends. Good coffee and tea. Nice food. Good books and music.

Sleep. Many things matter to me”

“I feel that this is a huge waste of time and money for the government…Happiness is not a thing to be

quantified and can change rapidly according to a ridiculous amount of factors”

“The middle earners may not consider wealth to be significant in terms of happiness but it is difficult to be

happy when you have nothing!!!”

Dimensions and indicators of well-being and data sources

10 domains and 60 measures

Personal Well-being

Our Relationships

Health What we do

Where we live

Personal Finance

Education and Skills

Economy

Governance Environment

Data sources

Government Publications

Government Surveys

Academic Surveys

National Accounts

Electoral data

Environmental Counts

Review

What people told us

Inequality

Additional measures

Timeliness

Coherence

and

coverage

Change

Visual dissemination

UK Measures of National Well-being Dashboard

Slido.com #BeyondGDP

Additional releases

Personal

Well-being Social Capital Human Capital Natural Capital

Environmental Accounts

Children’s

Well-being

Young People’s Well-being

Measuring Progress,

Well-being and Beyond GDP

Net Inclusive Income

https://public.govdelivery.com/accounts/UKONS/

subscribers/new

Engagement

To hear more about our well-being statistics as they are

released please:

1.Sign up to our mailing list on GovDelivery

2.Follow @ONS on Twitter, Facebook, LinkedIn and Instagram

Thank you

Eleanor Rees

[email protected]

  • Slide 1: UK Measures of National Well-being
  • Slide 2: Developing our framework
  • Slide 3: Background to the Measures of National Well-being
  • Slide 4: Quotes from the National Debate
  • Slide 5: Dimensions and indicators of well-being and data sources
  • Slide 6: 10 domains and 60 measures
  • Slide 7: Data sources
  • Slide 8: Review
  • Slide 9
  • Slide 10: What people told us
  • Slide 11: UK Measures of National Well-being Dashboard
  • Slide 12: Additional releases
  • Slide 13: Engagement
  • Slide 14

(UK) Automated Vehicles Act 2024

Languages and translations
English

Automated Vehicles Act 2024 Introduction and overview

Informal document WP.29-193-17 193rd WP.29, 25-28 June 2024 Provisional agenda item 2.3

Law Commissions’ joint report published 2022, recommending new legislation

Brought together four years of legal review, three consultations, and hundreds of responses from the public and organisations

75 recommendations setting out shape of new legal framework for safe deployment of self- driving vehicles

Government’s CAM2025 report accepted and committed to future legislation

Legislation called for by industry, stakeholder groups, and Transport Select Committee

Foundations

Introduction to The Automated Vehicles Acts 2024

Weblink: Automated Vehicles - Law Commission

The Bill has several key elements

Liability

Safety

Marketing

Licencing of passenger services

Introduction to The Automated Vehicles Act 2024

Liability

New concepts: Authorised Self-Driving Entity (ASDE) and User-In-Charge

Feature off Feature on

Control vehicle Driver

Maintain attention

Driver

Respond to road conditions

Driver

Follow traffic rules

Driver

Keep vehicle roadworthy

Driver

Responsibilities Control vehicle

Maintain attention

Respond to road conditions

Follow traffic rules

Keep vehicle roadworthy

ASDE

ASDE

ASDE

ASDE

User-In- Charge

Respond to transition demand

User-In- Charge

Responsibilities

Self-driving feature

activated

4

Introduction to The Automated Vehicles Act 2024

New concept: No-User-In-Charge (NUIC) and No- User-In-Charge Operator (NUICO)

Control vehicle Driver

Maintain attention

Driver

Respond to road conditions

Driver

Follow traffic rules

Driver

Keep vehicle roadworthy

Driver

Responsibilities

Manage breakdowns & incidents

Driver

Control vehicle

Maintain attention

Respond to road conditions

Follow traffic rules

Keep vehicle roadworthy

ASDE

ASDE

ASDE

ASDE

Owner

Manage breakdowns &

incidents NUICO

Responsibilities

Control vehicle

Maintain attention

Respond to road conditions

Follow traffic rules

Keep vehicle roadworthy

ASDE

ASDE

ASDE

ASDE

Manage breakdowns &

incidents NUICO

Responsibilities

NUICO

No self-driving features activated

Driver is responsible for all elements

as normal

NUIC feature activated - vehicle owned

and operated as part of a fleet

NUICO responsible for upkeep and

responding to incidents

NUIC feature activated - vehicle

privately owned

Owner may retain some responsibilities eg

upkeep

Feature off Feature on Feature on

5

Safety

A new safety framework 3

Introduction to The Automated Vehicles Act 2024

Marketing

Misleading Marketing

Introduction to The Automated Vehicles Act 2024

Only vehicles authorised for self- driving can be marketed as such.

Clear distinction between self-driving and advanced driver assistance systems.

Permits for self-

driving passenger

vehicles

Passenger Vehicles

Introduction to The Automated Vehicles Act 2024

Alternative route to existing licencing for taxi, private hire, bus

Accessibility panel

Local authorities

Questions?

Contact: [email protected]

Weblink to AV Act: Automated Vehicles Act 2024 (legislation.gov.uk)

  • Default Section
    • Slide 1: Automated Vehicles Act 2024
    • Slide 2: Foundations
    • Slide 3: The Bill has several key elements
    • Slide 4: Liability
    • Slide 5: New concepts: Authorised Self-Driving Entity (ASDE) and User-In-Charge
    • Slide 6: New concept: No-User-In-Charge (NUIC) and No-User-In-Charge Operator (NUICO)
    • Slide 7: Safety
    • Slide 8: A new safety framework
    • Slide 9: Marketing
    • Slide 10: Misleading Marketing
    • Slide 11: Permits for self-driving passenger vehicles
    • Slide 12: Passenger Vehicles
    • Slide 13: Questions? Contact: [email protected] Weblink to AV Act: Automated Vehicles Act 2024 (legislation.gov.uk)
    • Untitled

(UK) Proposal for amendments to ECE/TRANS/WP.29/2024/39

Languages and translations
English

Submitted by the expert from the United Kingdom of Great Britian and Northern Ireland.

Informal document GRVA-19-22 19th GRVA, 25 June 2024 (For review during the Troy meeting 20-24 May 2024) Provisional agenda item 4(e)

Proposal for amendment to Guidelines and recommendations for Automated Driving System safety requirements, assessments and test methods to inform regulatory development.

The text reproduced below is based on the document ECE/TRANS/WP.29/2024/39. The modifications to that text are indicated in bold for new characters and strikethrough for deleted characters.

I. Proposal

Amend section 7.5.3 to add a footnote:

“7.5.3. Features that allow a user-initiated system deactivation of the ADS30

30. An ADS that may “suggest” the user takes control (e.g., when approaching the end of its ODD) and that is not designed to require a fallback user to continuously be ready to take control should be considered as a user-initiated system deactivation with regard to the requirements of this section.”

Update subsequent footnote numbering.

II. Justification

This text was included in earlier FRAV documents (FRAV 43-04-Rev4) but missing from the final GRVA document. FRAV added this footnote to prevent the user monitoring requirements of section 7.5.4 (system-initiated deactivation) applying to vehicles that do not require a fallback user.

Submitted by the expert from the United Kingdom of Great Britian and Northern Ireland.

Informal document GRVA-19-22 19th GRVA, 25 June 2024

(For review during the Troy meeting 20-24 May 2024)

Provisional agenda item 4(e)

Proposal for amendment to Guidelines and recommendations for Automated Driving System safety requirements, assessments and test

methods to inform regulatory development.

The text reproduced below is based on the document ECE/TRANS/WP.29/2024/39. The modifications to that text are indicated in bold for new characters and strikethrough for deleted characters.

I. Proposal

Amend section 7.5.3 to add a footnote:

“7.5.3. Features that allow a user-initiated system deactivation of the ADS30

30. An ADS that may “suggest” the user takes control (e.g., when approaching the end of its ODD) and that is not designed to require a fallback user to continuously be ready to take control should be considered as a user-initiated system deactivation with regard to the requirements of this section.”

Update subsequent footnote numbering.

II. Justification

This text was included in earlier FRAV documents (FRAV 43-04-Rev4) but missing from the final GRVA document. FRAV added this footnote to prevent the user monitoring requirements of section 7.5.4 (system- initiated deactivation) applying to vehicles that do not require a fallback user.

Job Quality, Wellbeing and the Global Economy, University College London

Languages and translations
English

Job Quality, Wellbeing and the Global Economy

Francis Green

Background

Expanding interest in job quality following 1999 ILO declaration for ‘decent work’ and OECD declaration for ‘more and better work’. Since:

❑ Concept Clarification: Objective; Job quality defined by association

with wellbeing

❑ Multidimensionality recognised, pay not necessarily correlated with

other domains

❑ Indicator development and data expansion

❑ Rapidly growing evidence literature on the relationships between

job quality dimensions and well-being

Dimensions of Job Quality

Effect sizes of job quality and other life domains

on general well-being

0

0.05

0.1

0.15

0.2

0.25

Fi n

la n

d

It al

y

Se rb

ia

G re

ec e

N et

h er

la n

d s

P o

rt u

ga l

M al

ta

B el

gi u

m

Sw ed

en

B u

lg ar

ia

N o

rw ay

Sp ai

n

G er

m an

y

FY R

O M

C ze

ch R

ep u

b lic

M o

n te

n e

gr o

U n

it ed

K in

gd o

m

Li th

u an

ia

Tu rk

ey

C yp

ru s

Lu xe

m b

o u

rg

Sw it

ze rl

an d

Fr an

ce

La tv

ia

A lb

an ia

Es to

n ia

Sl o

va ki

a

R o

m an

ia

Sl o

ve n

ia

P o

la n

d

Ir el

an d

D en

m ar

k

C ro

at ia

A u

st ri

a

H u

n ga

ry

R-squared for JQ and wellbeing across Europe

Overarching question

How has job quality been changing during the opening decades of the 21st century?

Factors shaping job quality

Multi-level drivers

❑Economic growth

❑Changing power resources

❑Technological change

❑Bosses and Managerial practices

❑Country clusters of institutional factors

Questions:

Understanding job quality changes

c

❑ Are there predominant, or even ubiquitous

trends in each of the dimensions of job quality

Are the trends coherent within countries?

Is there, in particular, a link with economic

growth or HDI growth?

Problem: data scarcity!

Data

c

The European Working Conditions Surveys (EWCS)

International Social Survey Programme (ISSP)

Country-specific surveys, including:

• The US General Social Survey (GSS)

• Household Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA)

• The Korean Working Conditions Surveys (KWCS)

• The UK Skills and Employment Surveys,

• Finnish Quality of Work Life surveys

OECD Statistics

Heuristic Methods

For each Job Quality Dimension:

✓ consultation of prior evidence

✓ new analysis of survey series data

✓ indices or elements for each dimension

✓ >=10 years since 2000

✓ 1= significant rise; 0 = no change; -1 = decline

Wages Prospects Working

Time

Quality

Auton-

omy and

Skill

Social

Environ-

ment

Work

Intensity

Physical

Environ-

ment

Improving 24 20 18 15 17 6 20

Deteriorat

-ing 0 5 2 4 8 17 2

No change 9 15 17 11 14 7 7

Summary of trends in job quality dimensions (provisional) (Number of countries)

Earnings Prospects Working

Time

Quality

Skills &

Discretion

Social

Environ-

ment

Work

Intensity

(reversed)

Physical

Environment

Earnings (wages) 1

Prospects 0.51 1

Working Time Quality 1

Skills & Discretion 0.38 1

Social Environment 1 Work Intensity

(reversed) -0.31 1

Physical Environment 0.34 1

Real GDP pc Growth 0.77 0.40 0.32

HDI growth 0.59 0.32

Correlation between trends in job quality dimensions, GDP & HDI

Summary

Trends?

Wages; Physical env. : • Predominantly Rising

Work intensity: • Deteriorating

Other dimensions: • Balance of improvers,

but widespread stagnation

Coherent?

No

Affluence?

Variable

Implications

1

2

Absence of universal trends suggests:

• No single universal factor is dominant

o partial exception: wages and economic growth;

(however, decoupling).

Lack of predominant improvements

There is a need to track every dimension (not just wages);

The nascent sub-field of job quality science

1

2

• Theory and evidence about the effects of job quality

dimensions on health and wellbeing

• Theory and evidence about the factors shaping job

quality

Active, but policy and science both need much more JQ data

• official stats

• we need: a place for short-form job quality items in

general social surveys

Forthcoming 2025

Job Quality, Wellbeing and the Global Economy

Oxford University Press

Francis Green

  • Slide 1: Job Quality, Wellbeing and the Global Economy
  • Slide 2: Background
  • Slide 3
  • Slide 4
  • Slide 5
  • Slide 6
  • Slide 7: Factors shaping job quality
  • Slide 8
  • Slide 9
  • Slide 10
  • Slide 11
  • Slide 12
  • Slide 13
  • Slide 14
  • Slide 15
  • Slide 16
  • Slide 17
  • Slide 18: Forthcoming 2025

Presentation

Languages and translations
English

Using Census 2021 to understand international migration in England and Wales

08 May 2024

Laura Cheatham, Office for National Statistics

Census 2021 international migration

Census 2021 in England and Wales

1 in 6 usual residents of England and Wales were born

outside the UK, an increase from 7.5 million in 2011 to 10

million in 2021

5.9 million usual residents held a non-UK passport,

545,000 usual residents had an address outside the UK one

year before the census.

Long-term international migration

Short-term international migration

136,000 non-UK-born short-term residents

Have to meet all of:

1. Born outside the UK

2. Arrived within the year before Census day

3. Intended to stay for between 3 and 12 months.

Short-term international migration

60% age 20-29

29% live in London

54% born in Middle East or Asia

46% students

International Students

363,000 international students in England and Wales.

Focus on international students in higher education. Have

to meet all of:

1. In full time education

2. Non-UK born

3. Non-UK passport

4. Aged 17+ on arrival

5. Aged 18+ on Census day

• 40% from Middle East or Asia

• 57% ages 18-25

• 33% in London

• Of 33% in Employment, most likely to be

employed in Retail and Social work.

• Those aged 18-25 most likely to live in student accommodation/

communal establishments

International Students

Dual Citizens

1.26 million held multiple passports

• UK and EU passports increased from

0.06% (31,400) to 0.32% (156,400)

• Similar increase in UK-Irish passports

• Majority of UK-other dual citizens

identified with a UK national identity

Using Census 2021 to assure estimates of international migration over the last decade

Introduction

• Census based population estimates are official mid-2021

population estimates.

• Also have 2021 rolled forward mid-year estimates (rolled

forward from 2011 Census)

• Rolled forward population estimates 268,500 higher than

Census based estimate.

• Overestimation of international migration the most likely

contributor to this difference.

Historic migration statistics

• International Passenger Survey,

intentions based

• UN definition of long-term

migration

“A person who moves to a country other

than that of his or her usual residence for

a period of at least a year (12 months),

so that the country of destination

effectively becomes his or her new

country of usual residence.”

Administrative data based migration statistics

Non-EU =

Home Office

visa data

EU = RAPID

(DWP taxes

and benefits)

UK nationals =

Previous (IPS-

based) Modelled

estimates

Immigration

Emigration

Net Migration

EU, Non-EU and

GB

OFFICIAL SENSITIVE

Non-EU: using visa data linked to travel information

Compared new admin

estimates against a variety

of sources including

Census to give us

confidence

EU: using earnings and benefits data

• Initially included 4 arrival

categories to reflect

complexity of people’s lives.

• Narrowed this to just those

that aligned with UN

definition after comparisons

to Census 2021

British: using International Passenger Survey

• Used changes in UK-born population over the decade to

estimate net migration between 2011-2021.

• Suggested negative net migration of 787,000

• IPS estimate of negative 317,000.

• Therefore, an undercount of 471,000 over the decade.

• Research continuing to move away from survey data to

using administrative data.

Conclusion

• Census 2021 provided unique

insight into characteristics of

migrants living in the UK.

• Provided confidence in our

administrative based estimates

of migration across the decade

• Gave evidence to support

revising estimates for British

Nationals.

  • Slide 1: Using Census 2021 to understand international migration in England and Wales
  • Slide 2: Census 2021 international migration
  • Slide 3: Census 2021 in England and Wales
  • Slide 4: Long-term international migration
  • Slide 5: Short-term international migration
  • Slide 6: Short-term international migration
  • Slide 7: International Students
  • Slide 8: International Students
  • Slide 9: Dual Citizens
  • Slide 10: Using Census 2021 to assure estimates of international migration over the last decade
  • Slide 11: Introduction
  • Slide 12: Historic migration statistics
  • Slide 13
  • Slide 14: Non-EU: using visa data linked to travel information
  • Slide 15: EU: using earnings and benefits data
  • Slide 16: British: using International Passenger Survey
  • Slide 17: Conclusion

Presentation

Languages and translations
English

Alternative Definitions of Migration

Melissa Randall Migration Statistics Division

Office for National Statistics, UK

7 May 2024

Why we need alternative definitions

• Today, populations are more mobile than in past decades. We know there

are people staying in the UK who are not covered by our official population

estimates, and that movers with shorter or repeat patterns of mobility are

not represented in our migration numbers.

• Patterns of migration have changed since the pandemic – need to reflect

the reality of international mobility

• New opportunities to measure mobility using administrative data

• Policy makers want to assess migration policies at greater levels of

granularity

What we already have • Conceptual frameworks and related statistical concepts and definitions on international migration, UNSC,

2021

• International mobility – all movements over a border in a given year

• International migration & international migrant – all movements/movers where a change of residence occurs

• Resident population – most of the last 12 months/intention for 6 months, at least 12 months/intention for 12 months

• Additional concepts i.e. present population, cross border workers, seasonal workers

• International migrant workers, ILO, 2018

• International migrant workers are defined as migrants of working age, who during a specified reference period, were in the labour

force of the country of their usual residence, either in employment or in unemployment.

• Circular migration definition – UNECE, 2016

• A circular migrant is a person who has crossed the national borders of the reporting country at least 3 times over a 10-year period,

each time with duration of stay (abroad or in the country) of at least 90 days.

• 1998 - an international migrant is “any person who changes his or her country of usual residence”(United

Nations, 1998).

• He or she must have a previous country of usual residence, He or she must establish usual residence in the country of destination

Alternative definitions of international mobility

(i) Condition-based definitions

Less than

12 months

Seasonal migration

Circular

migration

Short-term migration Travel and Tourism

Majority of the

year migration

Temporary

residence in

another

country

Different ways to categorise international mobility.

Travel record for one person in a period of 12 months: • 3 journeys or moves

• Longest trip is for 4+

months

• Cumulative stay of 186

days (6 months & 3 days)

• Stayed majority of the

12-month period

• Altogether stayed more

than 6 months but less than

9 months

7 day stay

38 day stay

141 day stay

Possibilities

Six-month or nine-month plus length of stay;

includes those living in an area and using the local

services for at least six or nine months, but who

did not stay for a whole year, such as seasonal

workers

Majority of the time basis, cumulatively present in

an area for more than 50% of a 12-month

period; would include those whose time in an area

was split over several substantial visits, such as

circular and repeat migrants

12-month stay within a 16-month period; extends

the period of time within which a temporary

resident might be considered to be a usual

resident, avoiding exclusion because of a short

absence

Specific short-term periods of stay such as

≥ 1 month < 3 months, or ≥ 3 month < 6 months.

Length of stay could be a single occurrence or

cumulative

Population and migration estimates: exploring alternative definitions May 2023,ONS

Short-term periods of stay

Excludes journeys with

missing arrival/departure

dates

Potential for greater detail

i.e. work/visit using visa

information

Potential to explore other

presentations i.e. how

many short-term migrants

present on each day of the

year

Alternative definitions of international mobility

(ii) Qualifying status-based definitions

Long-term international migration, ONS, November 2023

Estimating international student migration

• Should students be included as part of our

long-term international migration (LTIM)

estimates as they are often considered

part of the temporary population?

• The interaction between students and

other reasons for migration means we

cannot treat students in isolation.

• If we did, we would be at risk of

inaccurately estimating UK net migration.

Cohort approach

• Determine for each year of arrival, continuous

visa histories for each cohort member

• Calculate whether an individual has

emigrated, transitioned, or has not emigrated

and the visa type they held at the end of the

reference period

• Repeat for each subsequent year so that the

individual cohorts can be followed year on

year, and their time spent in the UK and on

different visas becomes clear

• workplace and workday populations; who is present

in an area during the standard working week

• evening and weekend populations; who is present

in an area outside the standard working week

• monthly, quarterly, or seasonal populations

Population present

Population 24/7 – A method to account for daily population mobility in

spatiotemporal population estimates

Conclusions

• Existing standards and definitions for measuring migration are a vital part of understanding

population change but they are limited when compared to increasing mobility of people.

• Alternative measurements of migration will need to take account of time and place

conditions, which can offer insight into short and repeat movers and enable decision

makers to plan for temporary population changes. Definitions based on status will highlight

the needs of important groups of people.

• The UK work to date on this demonstrates that administrative data sources can enable

more granular measurement. Longitudinal administrative data might also show changes in

status within a stay in country, to help us understand the drivers of migration better than

ever before.

  • Title Section
    • Slide 1: Alternative Definitions of Migration
    • Slide 2: Why we need alternative definitions
    • Slide 3: What we already have
    • Slide 4: Key components of population change
    • Slide 5: Conceptual framework
    • Slide 6
    • Slide 7: Different ways to categorise international mobility.
    • Slide 8: Possibilities
    • Slide 9: Short-term periods of stay
    • Slide 10
    • Slide 11
    • Slide 12: Estimating international student migration
    • Slide 13: Cohort approach
    • Slide 14: Population present
    • Slide 15: Conclusions

Using Census 2021 to understand international migration in England and Wales from 2012 to 2023 (United Kingdom)

Languages and translations
English

*Prepared by Laura Cheatham NOTE: The designations employed in this document do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

Economic Commission for Europe Conference of European Statisticians Group of Experts on Migration Statistics Geneva, Switzerland, 7−8 May 2024 Item 7 of the provisional agenda Results on migration from the 2020 population census round

Using Census 2021 to understand international migration in England and Wales from 2012 to 2023

Note by: Office for National Statistics

Abstract Censuses provide an important data source for information on international migrants resident in England and Wales. In 2021, we collected a range of information on international migrants, including their country of birth, passports, year of arrival and intention to stay. This allowed us to identify both long-term and short-term migrants and produce a range of analysis on their economic and social characteristics compared to the wider population, as well as focusing on specific groups of interest such as international students and dual citizens. The census also provided an important source for assessing the quality of our international migration estimates across the decade from 2012 to 2021. This informed revisions to our estimates of British nationals over the previous decade and helped refine our new methods for estimating international migration using administrative data. Therefore, providing confidence in our administrative-based migration estimates. This also informed how we continue to use administrative data to estimate migration in the future.

Working paper 16

Distr.: General 29 April 2024 English

Working paper 16

2

I. Introduction

1. In England and Wales, the census is undertaken by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) and in the past has been every 10 years. It collects information on all people and households to build a detailed snapshot of society. The most recent census was held on 21 March 2021.

2. Censuses for Scotland and Northern Ireland are run by National Records of Scotland and the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency respectively.

3. The range of information collected by Census 2021 provides insight into both the number of international migrants living in England and Wales and their characteristics. It also provides a unique opportunity to assess the quality of new admin-based migration estimates and refine methods where necessary, as well as informing revisions required to migration estimates produced over the previous decade.

II. What Census 2021 told us about international migration and the characteristics of migrants.

A. Introduction

4. The outputs from Census 2021 for England and Wales were released in 2022. These included an international migration topic summary article (ONS, 2022) providing univariate data and supporting information on country of birth, passports held, address one year before the census and year of arrival.

5. Census 2021 showed that:

i. one in six usual residents of England and Wales were born outside the UK, an increase of 2.5 million since 2011, from 7.5 million (13.4%) to 10 million (16.8%),

ii. 5.9 million usual residents (9.9%) held a non-UK passport,

iii. 545,000 usual residents (0.9% of the population) had an address outside the UK one year before the census, down 11.0% from 612,000 (1.1%) in 2011.

6. A series of in-depth articles have subsequently been published based on multivariate census data. This more detailed data allows further analysis of the characteristics of different groups of international migrants, such as those staying long-term and short-term, international students and dual citizens.

B. Long-term international migration

7. Long-term international migrants in Census 2021 analysis were defined in line with the UN definition of a person who has moved to a country other than that of their usual residence for a period of at least 12 months, using two primary approaches:

i. those born outside the UK, who therefore have migrated to the UK at some point in the past,

ii. those who hold a non-UK passport (used to indicate a person's nationality).

Working paper 16

3

8. Initial analysis of long-term international migration (ONS, 2023a) looked at the geographical distribution of long-term international migrants at regional and local level; economic status of migrants, such as employment rates and industries of employment; and the most common non-UK countries of birth and their passports held. A further article exploring the social characteristics of long-term international migrants (ONS, 2023b) covered topics such as the age, sex, housing, family, language, health, qualifications, religion, national identity and ethnicity of the non-UK-born population.

9. Between 2011 and 2021, the proportion of non-UK-born residents increased across all regions of England, with London (positive 3.9 percentage points), East of England (positive 3.9 percentage points) and the East Midlands (positive 3.8 percentage points) showing the largest increases.

10. People born in Romania and Bulgaria (EU2) and EU8 countries had the highest employment rates in 2021. The most common industry of employment for EU-born migrants was wholesale and retail and repair of motor vehicles (15.8%), while for non-EU-born it was human health and social work (19.5%).

11. India, Pakistan and Bangladesh were the top three countries of birth with the highest number of UK passport holders. Overall, EU-born residents are less likely to hold a UK passport.

12. Those who had arrived in the year prior to Census 2021, were more likely to be economically inactive students; have been born in the Middle East and Asia (reflecting the large international student population from this area); and have a younger age profile than for all non-UK-born residents.

13. Most non-UK-born usual residents had high levels of English proficiency; 87% of recent arrivals between 2011 and 2021 reported speaking English very well or well, or having it as a main language.

14. The proportion of non-UK-born residents (43%) who lived in owner-occupied accommodation was lower than UK-born (67%); however, 57% of non-UK-born who had been in the UK for at least 10 years lived in owner-occupied accommodation.

15. Those who arrived in the UK earlier were more likely to describe their national identity as being one from the UK only. For example, 81% of non-EU-born residents who arrived between 1981 and 1990 reported an identity from the UK only, compared with 20% who arrived between 2011 and 2021.

C. Short-term international migration

16. Short-term international migrants in Census 2021 analysis were defined as those who met all of the following criteria:

i. born outside the UK,

ii. arrived within a year before census day,

iii. intended to stay for a period of between 3 and 12 months (those intending to stay for less than 3 months were not asked to answer Census 2021).

17. Analysis of this group (ONS, 2023c) covered their country of birth, economic activity, and industry as well as other characteristics such as age, sex and geographical distribution.

18. There were 136,000 non-UK-born short-term residents recorded by Census 2021; 45% were men and 55% were women, while a third (33%) were aged between 20 and 24 years.

Working paper 16

4

19. Compared with the 2011 Census, the proportion of EU-born short-term residents fell from 35% to 25% in 2021, while the proportion of non-EU-born residents rose from 65% to 75%.

20. Almost a third of non-UK-born short-term residents lived in London (29%).

21. China was the most common country of birth for non-UK-born short-term residents (21%) followed by India (10%) and Romania (5%).

22. Of non-UK-born short-term residents, 42% were economically inactive students, with 45% of this population born in China.

D. International students

23. For the purpose of analysing Census 2021 data, international students were defined as those who met all of the following criteria:

i. in full-time education,

ii. non-UK-born,

iii. non-UK passport holder,

iv. aged 17 years or over upon most recent arrival in the UK,

v. aged 18 years or over on Census Day.

24. The country of birth, age, sex, employment status, industry, housing type and language spoken of international students was analysed in the article ‘The international student population in England and Wales: Census 2021’ (ONS, 2023d).

25. There were 373,600 non-UK-born, non-UK passport holding international students in England and Wales at the time of Census 2021.

26. India (11.6%), China (11.2%), Romania (9.5%) and Nigeria (5.3%) were the top four individual countries of birth of international students.

27. A third of the international student population was in London (33.9%).

28. One in three international students were in employment; Eastern European countries had the highest proportions in employment alongside studying (Romania, 73.9%; Bulgaria, 62.3%; Poland, 56.7%, and Lithuania, 56.0%).

29. Of the international students whose preferred main language was not English (239,000, 64.0%), 59.3% and 35.5% reported being able to speak English very well and well respectively.

E. Dual citizens

30. Analysis of dual citizens in Census 2021 data (ONS, 2023e) uses data on passports held, as direct information on citizenship was not collected. It is possible to use this to look at both international migrants who have or have not gained a UK passport, as well as UK-born citizens who may also hold non-UK passports.

31. In 2021, across England and Wales, 1.26 million usual residents held multiple passports (2.1%), up from 612,000 (1.1%) in 2011.

Working paper 16

5

32. Overall, 1.2% of UK-born residents were UK-other dual citizens (587,600), rising from 0.5% in 2011 (231,600); for non-UK-born residents, 6.5% were UK-other dual citizens in 2021 (648,700), rising from 5.1% in 2011 (381,200).

33. The proportion of people holding both UK and EU passports increased by five times for UK- born residents and threefold for non-UK-born residents since 2011. UK-Irish passports also saw a sixfold increase for UK-born residents.

34. The majority of UK-other dual citizens identified with a UK national identity, and this increased notably the longer people had lived in the UK.

III. Using Census 2021 to assure estimates of international migration over the last decade

F. Introduction

35. Census-based mid-year estimates are the official mid-2021 population estimates, these are based on Census 2021 for England and Wales.

36. The 2021 rolled-forward mid-year estimates use the population estimate from the previous reference date (2020 in this instance) as the starting point for estimating the population at the current reference date. The previous population estimate is aged on and data on births, deaths and migration are used to reflect population change during the reference period. This process has been repeated each year since the last reconciliation and rebasing exercise took place with the 2011 Census.

37. The 2021 rolled-forward mid-year estimates (MYE) for England and Wales were 268,500 higher than Census 2021-based MYE.

38. The main components that could contribute to this difference for England and Wales are:

i. births,

ii. deaths,

iii. net migration,

iv. variability in Census 2021 estimates,

v. cross border flows between England and Wales and the other countries of the UK,

vi. the 2011 Census population base

39. The registration of births and deaths that occur in the UK is compulsory, and the data quality is high overall, any attribution of differences to these causes will be relatively small. There is no evidence to show that there is any substantial error in the cross-border flows to and from Scotland and Northern Ireland.

40. At the England and Wales level, an overestimation of net international migration is likely to be the main contributor to the difference seen between the 2021 rolled forward MYE and the Census 2021-based MYE. For the majority of the decade this component was produced using survey-based estimates.

Working paper 16

6

G. Admin-based migration estimates

41. International migration statistics for the UK have historically been measured using the International Passenger Survey (IPS), a face-to-face survey at most air and sea-ports in the UK. The IPS measures a migrant’s intention to stay in or depart from the UK long-term (for 12 months or more). Previous analysis has demonstrated that certain groups of migrants have a higher degree of uncertainty in their intentions to move to and from the UK (ONS, 2019). Therefore, it has long-been acknowledged that the reliance on the IPS for migration statistics stretched it beyond its original purpose.

42. These findings led the ONS to launch a transformation programme in 2019, focusing on measuring migration using administrative data first and foremost.

43. In 2020 when the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic stopped international travel, the IPS was also suspended. In response, we accelerated our approach for transforming migration statistics using administrative data supported by statistical modelling.

44. Although the IPS resumed operation in January 2021, we continue to focus on using administrative data to estimate international migration. Its migrant focused shifts, aimed at specifically boosting the number of migrant contacts, are no longer being run and therefore recent IPS data is even more limited than it was previously. .

45. Since May 2022 we have produced estimates of international migration using administrative data (UNECE, 2022). Our research since then has focused on replicating these methods to estimate international migration using administrative data for the intercensal period between 2012 and 2021.

H. Revised admin-based migration estimates from 2012 to 2021

46. ONS published an article in 2023 (ONS, 2023f) that provided information on the methods used to update our long-term international migration estimates to and from the UK, including comparisons with other data sources. This demonstrated confidence in these updates figures and provided a better understanding about migration patterns over the last decade.

1. British Nationals

47. Using administrative data to measure international migration of British nationals is more difficult as there are many reasons they could stop interacting with administrative systems but remain living in the UK, for example to study.

48. Therefore migration estimates for British Nationals are still predominantly based on the International Passenger Survey (IPS).

49. However, census data provides an alternative source for estimating international migration of British nationals to and from England and Wales over the decade from 2011 to 2021, by looking at changes in the UK-born population and adjusting this to estimate migration of British nationals.

50. Change in the UK-born population in England and Wales between the 2011 Census and Census 2021 is the result of:

i. Births

Working paper 16

7

ii. Deaths

iii. cross-border migration to Scotland and Northern Ireland

iv. international migration

51. This analysis has suggested that there was net migration of British nationals from the UK of negative 787,000 between 2011 and 2021.

52. The IPS estimated that 317,000 more people left the UK than arrived over the same period. This was considerably lower than the level of migration indicated by evidence from the census.

53. Therefore, based on this evidence from the census we changed our estimates of net migration of British nationals by approximately negative 471,000 over the decade compared with our previous best estimates. As the IPS consistently showed British nationals left the UK over the decade, we believe it is more likely to be caused by missed emigration and have attributed most of this adjustment to emigration.

2. EU Nationals

54. We use interactions with the tax and benefits system to estimate international migration of EU nationals over the decade.

55. These show consistently higher levels of net migration than our previous IPS based estimates, however evidence suggested that the IPS was underestimating the migration of EU nationals who had more uncertain intentions to move to or from the UK.

56. Our initial research using the tax and benefits data included 4 arrival categories. The first two most closely align with the UN definition of a long-term migrant. However, we expanded on this definition of long-term activity in order to reflect the complexity of people’s lives. This created two further categories which only make up a small proportion of total arrivals.

57. However, as these additional categories do not align with the UN definition of a long-term migrant, we have since removed these from our estimates. This is supported by analysis from Census 2021, which suggested that including these arrivals expanded too far on the UN definition of long-term migration.

58. After these additional categories had been removed the updated admin-based estimates for EU nationals were around 98,000 higher than the Census 2021 implied immigration, based on passports held as an indicator for nationality. The census likely underestimates migration to the UK because it is an estimate for England and Wales rather than the UK as whole. It only reflects intentions, which, as evidenced previously, do not always reflect actual migration behaviours, and is based on passports held; EU passport holders who also held a UK passport were not included in the census EU estimate.

3. Non-EU Nationals

59. We use visa data linked to travel events to estimate international migration of non-EU nationals.

60. Census 2021 implied immigration, based on passports held as an indicator of nationality, shows 264,000 non-EU nationals having arrived in England and Wales in the YE March

Working paper 16

8

2021. This is about 29,000, or 11%, lower than the estimate for the same time-point in the updated UK back series.

IV. Conclusion and Future developments

61. Census 2021 provided a unique insight into the characteristics of international migrants living in the UK in 2021.

62. Census 2021 also provided an insight into international migration across the last decade. Along with other comparator sources, it provided confidence in our admin-based migration estimates for EU and non-EU nationals and evidence to support the need to revise our methods for measuring British nationals.

63. Our next steps for further improving UK level international migration estimates are focused on producing admin-based migration estimates for British Nationals, which still relies on the International Passenger Survey.

V. References

64. UNECE (2022) ‘Using administrative data to produce timely estimates of migration for the UK (United Kingdom)’ available from: https://unece.org/statistics/documents/2022/10/working-documents/using-administrative- data-produce-timely-estimates

65. ONS (2022) ‘International migration, England and Wales: Census 2021’ available from: https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internatio nalmigration/bulletins/internationalmigrationenglandandwales/census2021

66. ONS (2023a) ‘The changing picture of long-term international migration, England and Wales: Census 2021’ available from: https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internatio nalmigration/articles/thechangingpictureoflongterminternationalmigrationenglandandwales/c ensus2021

67. ONS (2023b) ‘Analysis of social characteristics of international migrants living in England and Wales: Census 2021’ available from: https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internatio nalmigration/articles/analysisofsocialcharacteristicsofinternationalmigrantslivinginenglandan dwales/census2021

68. ONS (2023c) ‘The changing picture of short-term international migration, England and Wales: Census 2021’ available from: https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internatio nalmigration/articles/thechangingpictureofshortterminternationalmigrationenglandandwales/ census2021

69. ONS (2023d) ‘The international student population in England and Wales: Census 2021’ available from: https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internatio nalmigration/articles/theinternationalstudentpopulationinenglandandwalescensus2021/2023- 04-17

Working paper 16

9

70. ONS (2023e) ‘Dual citizens living in England and Wales: Census 2021’ available from: https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internatio nalmigration/articles/dualcitizenslivinginenglandandwales/census2021

71. ONS (2023f) ‘Estimating UK international migration: 2012 to 2021’ available from: https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internatio nalmigration/articles/estimatingukinternationalmigration2012to2021/2023-11-23

  • I. Introduction
  • II. What Census 2021 told us about international migration and the characteristics of migrants.
    • A. Introduction
    • B. Long-term international migration
    • C. Short-term international migration
    • D. International students
    • E. Dual citizens
  • III. Using Census 2021 to assure estimates of international migration over the last decade
    • F. Introduction
    • G. Admin-based migration estimates
    • H. Revised admin-based migration estimates from 2012 to 2021
      • 1. British Nationals
      • 2. EU Nationals
      • 3. Non-EU Nationals
  • IV. Conclusion and Future developments
  • V. References

Alternative definitions of migration (United Kingdom)

Languages and translations
English

*Prepared by Melissa Randall, James Bach and Jo Zumpe) NOTE: The designations employed in this document do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

Economic Commission for Europe Conference of European Statisticians Group of Experts on Migration Statistics Geneva, Switzerland, 7−8 May 2024 Item 3 of the provisional agenda Measuring new forms of international migration

Alternative definitions of migration Note by Office for National Statistics

Abstract

Today, populations are more mobile than in past decades. We know there are people staying in the UK who are not covered by our official population estimates, and that movers with shorter or repeat patterns of mobility are not represented in our migration numbers.

Our admin-based migration estimates use a wealth of information to produce improved statistics and they promise greater flexibility to provide statistics on different patterns of international mobility. We have a variety of engagement approaches to ensure any new statistics meet the needs of policy makers, academics and service providers.

One question they ask is the role of international students in net migration. Students are sometimes considered part of the temporary population who arrive to study and leave once their studies are completed; new cohort research helped to understand this in relation to population change, as well as their contribution to society and the economy more broadly.

In addition to this, we have made use of travel behaviour and visa status from Home Office Borders and Immigration data to investigate patterns of short-term international migration, and produce exploratory research estimates.

In addition to this, we are exploring the use of mobile phone data, Advanced Passenger Information and credit card data to inform our understanding of mobility.

Working paper 2

Distr.: General 29 April 2024 English

Working paper 2

2

I. Alternative definitions of migration

1. Today, populations are more mobile than in past decades. We know there are people staying in the UK who are not covered by our official population estimates, and that movers with shorter or repeat patterns of mobility are not represented in our migration numbers. We also know that some Long- term International Migrants stay longer than others, without differentiation in our statistics.

2. In May 2023 we published ‘Population and Migration estimates – exploring alternative definitions’ which explored new ways of estimating migration and the population to enhance our existing statistics and was an opportunity to asked for feedback and suggestions from our users on our alternative definitions of population and migration flows. In it, we looked at the conceptual ideas underpinning population definitions, and the various ways to estimate the contribution of different patterns of migration to the population, including possible ways of isolating estimates of international students from other types of migrants.

A. Migration statistics we already estimate 3. Long-term international migration (LTIM) statistics are used extensively by policy makers,

academics and service providers, and we will continue to produce them.

4. Our LTIM statistics are official estimates of migrants arriving in or leaving the UK for 12 months or more. They are an important component of population change and are aligned with the UN definition for long-term international migration (PDF, 5.0MB).

B. Why we want to expand our range of definitions 5. The change in mobility during the recent coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic (World Migration

Report 2022) means the existing definitions may not show the whole picture. We know that there are people living and staying in the UK who are not covered by our official population estimates, because they do not meet the traditional census definition of a usual resident. Movers with shorter or repeat patterns of mobility are not represented in our LTIM numbers.

6. We also know users would find this helpful for planning and policy making. We have a variety of engagement approaches to ensure any new statistics meet the needs of policy makers, academics and service providers. The Office for National Statistics recently held a Consultation on ‘The future of population and migration statistics’. It was designed to provide us with information on how people currently use our population and migration statistics and captured user feedback on our proposals for future development of these statistics. In Migration Statistics Division, an Expert group and Steering group, made up of academics and other government departments, help us refine needs and present information clearly, to ensure our work is relevant and valuable.

7. Our estimates of ‘Long-term International Migration’ are produced using a variety of administrative data. This gives us freedom to specify different definitions, particularly as they relate to time in country, when compared to our previous survey-based estimates.

II. Conceptual framework

C. Condition based and qualifying-status based definitions 8. Time and place are fundamental aspects in deciding how to estimate migration, whether it is point in

time population estimates (stocks) or movements into and out of a population (flows). Where

Working paper 2

3

somebody is and the length of stay of a mover is crucial to the classification of a migrant and which population they join or leave.

9. Using these aspects can sometimes exclude people: contributors to the domestic economy do not necessarily have a place of usual residence in the UK. For example, someone might work in the UK during the week but have a usual residence in France that they return to each weekend. Administrative data sources, such as tax receipts, allow estimation of those contributing to the economy, opening up new definitions. The challenges and benefits of trying to align population and economic definitions are discussed further in Impact of Migration on National Accounts: A UK Perspective (PDF,224KB).

10. A condition-based population can be further defined to include people who have a particular status or characteristic – a ‘qualifying-status’. Populations defined by a qualifying status could include those currently in paid work or contributing to the economy, regardless of place; potentially a more appropriate population estimate for some per capita statistics.

D. Condition based definitions

11. Existing definitions focus on time and place and tie estimates of population and migration together into a coherent framework.

12. In line with UN recommendations, we use time and place conditions to define someone as a usual resident of the UK. A usual resident is someone who stays or intends to stay in an area for 12 months or more. A further condition enables short absences by usual residents to be disregarded when looking at an individual's length of stay. This is a logical inclusion, as people do not tend to change their permanent place of residence while away for a short time period, such as a holiday.

13. Figure 1 shows a conceptual framework of the usual resident and temporary resident populations (stocks) and the flows resulting in population change. In this instance, the target population is the usual resident population and the temporary population is our complementary population. The flow of people between each population is represented by the double-headed orange arrow. This conceptual framework can be applied over any time period and at any level of geography, with different conditions applied to the length of stay associated with usual residence. (In practice, defining the population who are usual residents is not straightforward).

14. The mobility flows in Figure 1 represent movements into and out of usual and temporary resident populations. International mobility encompasses both long-term international migration and other moves across international boundaries.

15. We use the condition-based UN recommended definition for long-term international migration (PDF, 5.0MB). Further information on our latest long-term international migration (LTIM) estimates of moves into and out of the country for 12 months or more are available on our International migration page.

16. In its 2021 recommendations, the UN noted the important role of temporary international mobility (moves) in population change, and their impact on societies, over much shorter periods of time. See more information in the Final Report on Conceptual frameworks and Concepts and Definitions on International Migration from the UN Expert Group on Migration Statistics, 27 April 2021.

17. Shorter stays or visits allows for multiple events within a particular period of time. The definition for a short stay should clarify whether the length of stay is from a single stay or cumulative trips and how it accounts for very short stops (such as transfers between flights). Multiple trips also make it harder to define at which point a mover is a new arrival or a returning migrant.

Working paper 2

4

Figure 1 A conceptual framework of how people move into and out of populations

Source: Office for National Statistics

E. Qualifying-status based definitions

18. A condition-based population can be further defined to include people who have a particular status or characteristic. Administrative data provide information on both activity and characteristics. They may include people who interact with a service or process, such as paying tax, but are not usual residents, as measured by a census.

19. Populations defined by a qualifying status could include:

a. ownership of a second home; allowing users to understand the relationship between housing and usual residency

b. usual residents of a communal establishment, such as a care home; focusing on a particular section of society

c. currently in paid work or contributing to the economy, regardless of place; potentially a more appropriate population estimate for some per capita statistics

20. The possibilities and challenges of using a qualifying status to define a population are explored further using the example of international students.

Working paper 2

5

F. International students in the UK

21. An international student is currently defined as someone who arrives in the UK to study and remains for a period of 12-months or more. In line with the current UN definition of a long-term migrant (PDF, 5.0MB), international students are included in our estimates of long-term immigration.

22. Students are an important interest group to many users and some question whether they should be included in our long-term international migration (LTIM) estimates. They are often considered part of the temporary population who arrive to study and leave once their studies are completed, often with periods abroad outside of term time. However, many who come to study go on to obtain work visas or become British citizens. It is important to consider how much students contribute to population change over time.

23. Several reasons make isolating international students in migration data challenging. One example of this is their changing status. Students' plans may change. Our Visa journeys and student outcomes article shows that for students with visas ending in the 2018 to 2019 academic year, 35% successfully applied for new visas (such as for work and/or further study) and remained in the UK. This interaction between students and other reasons for migration means we cannot treat students in isolation. This is shown in Figure 2.

24. Figure 2 shows the inflows and outflows of long-term migrants to the UK, split by whether their main reason for migration is to study. Between arrival and departure, the populations of international students and all non-study migrants are separate. Students move into the other reasons for migration population if they stop studying and start working or gain British citizenship. Those who arrive for non-study reasons can move into the international student population if they start studying.

Figure 2: Populations and flows by reason for migration - study and non-study

Source: Office for National Statistics Notes: European Union Settled Status (EUSS), Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR).

Working paper 2

6

25. Treating students as temporary migrants and excluding them from LTIM estimates could create error in net long-term migration because:

a. not including students in our immigration estimates, but including those who stayed beyond their student visa in emigration estimates, as emigrating workers for example, would lead to underestimation of net migration

b. not including students who, post-study, transfer to an alternative route and subsequently stay in the UK, would lead to net migration under-estimates

c. including those who enter via non-student routes in our immigration estimates, but then excluding their emigration after a transfer to a student visa would lead to overestimation of net migration

d. not including those who we cannot identify as a student (Ukraine, BNO, EUSS, British) in the student population, leaving them in the general population, would lead to overestimation of net migration

III. Example Alternative Definitions

G. Short-term, circular and repeat migrants

26. Detailed information on travel behaviour and visa status within Home Office Borders and Immigration data enabled research to determine if we can produce estimates of short-term international migration from these data. We have produced exploratory research estimates of short- term immigration to the UK for newly arrived non-EU nationals. These are early, indicative estimates of migrants who:

a. are not included in our LTIM calculations

b. have visited the UK at least once in the year following their first arrival in the UK

c. have a total length of their completed stays (in the 12 months after their first arrival) that sum to between 1 month and less than 12 months

d. were not in the country in the previous 12 months before their first arrival (and are therefore considered new arrivals)

27. This is an area of ongoing research and these estimates are experimental. They are also not comparable with LTIM estimates for these time periods. Further research will investigate the potential of these data to highlight the patterns that suggest different types of short-term migration.

Working paper 2

7

Table 1: Short-term international immigration of non-EU nationals

Source: Office for National Statistics, Home Office

Notes: These figures are based on Home Office Borders and Immigration data. We are developing estimates of short-term international migration using new methods and data sources. As such, these are exploratory research estimates to demonstrate a proof of concept and should be interpreted cautiously. We currently exclude journeys without arrival or departure dates. Further research is planned on imputing missing arrivals and departures. Because of the experimental and provisional nature of our statistics, numbers have been rounded to the nearest 10,000.

H. Population present

28. An alternative concept for defining a population is to include everyone who is physically present at a particular place at a certain time. The size of these populations can fluctuate in many ways. For example, student flows enlarge university towns during term-time and shrink areas without universities as people leave for study. Holiday destinations have seasonal fluctuations. In commercial areas there can be significant variation in population present at weekends compared with weekdays. In entertainment areas, day-time and night-time populations can differ.

29. A fundamental aspect of population present statistics is the unit of measure used and how changes in magnitude are presented. For very short stays, such as a visit or day-time presence, it is not necessarily how many people within the population move, but the number of moves undertaken that is most useful. For example in our Overseas travel and tourism data, we estimate the number of completed visits by UK residents abroad and overseas residents in the UK.

30. We are exploring innovative methods for estimating population present. This includes using administrative data in research to explore the feasibility of estimating the population of small areas by specific times of day, taking account of population mobility. This exploratory research can be found in Population 24/7 – A method to account for daily population mobility in spatiotemporal population estimates on the UK Statistics Authority website (PDF, 983KB).

Working paper 2

8

31. Suggestions for other populations that could be defined by a population present status include:

a. workplace and workday populations; who is present in an area during the standard working week

b. evening and weekend populations; who is present in an area outside the standard working week

c. monthly, quarterly, or seasonal populations

I. Cohort analysis of International Students

32. In November 2023, we published ‘Reason for International Migration, International Students Update: November 2023’ which considered the benefits of several methods for estimating international students and their impact on net migration.

33. This method follows a cohort of long-term non-EU migrants who initially arrived in the UK on a study or a study-dependant visa. It looks at their status in the country over time, on the reference date of interest (30 June) in the following years. It then looks at those still in the country and what type of visa they were on. Finally, for those that had emigrated, it looks at what visa type they left on.

34. For each cohort, we calculate the following:

a. percentage still on the same visa type (student, work, family, other); these people are categorised as ”not emigrated”

b. percentage who have transitioned onto a different visa type; these people are categorised as ”transitioned”

c. percentage of cohort who have emigrated; these people are categorised as ”emigrated”

35. The three steps are then repeated each subsequent year so that the individual cohorts can be followed year on year, and their time spent in the UK and on different visas becomes clear.

36. A cohort approach is a helpful illustration of what happens to different migrants during their time in the UK. This is because it accounts for people who switch between different visa types.

37. However, because this method is based on observed behaviours, outcomes of each cohort are only available several years after arrival. For the more recent cohorts we do not yet know what their movements are longer-term. We can, however, already see that they behave differently in the first few years to previous cohorts, but we will need to wait several years to see how many stay for extended periods.

38. This approach is not directly comparable with our Long-term international migration, provisional: year ending June 2023 bulletin.

39. As seen in Figure 3, when following the YE June 2018 cohort of long-term migrants who initially arrived on a study-related visa, the data suggest that the majority had emigrated within five years; around 17% were still present in the country in the YE June 2023. It should be noted that while cohorts change over time, there is always a significant student population in the UK at any given time, because of the arrival of new cohorts.

40. Comparing cohorts, for the YE June 2018 cohort, after four years around 20% remained in the country. For the YE June 2019 cohort after four years, around 22% of the cohort were still present in the country.

Working paper 2

9

Figure 3: The size of the student cohorts present in the UK decreases over time

Source: Office for National Statistics, Home Office

41. Our analysis also shows that the proportion of migrants transitioning onto a different visa type after two years has changed over time, with a higher proportion transitioning rather than emigrating in more recent cohorts. For example, 4% transitioned after two years for both the YE June 2018 cohort and the YE June 2019 cohorts. In contrast, 15% and 27% of the YE June 2020 and YE June 2021 cohort, respectively, transitioned after two years.

Working paper 2

10

42. The higher proportion of transitions in recent cohorts could be because of the new graduate visa (as explained on GOV.UK) which was launched in 2021 and is categorised as a work visa, as 12% of 2020 and 22% of 2021 cohorts, respectively transitioned after two years onto work visas (see Figure 3). These higher proportions are also observed during a time of uncertainty with the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, so this may have attributed to international students in the more recent cohorts behaving differently to the 2018 and 2019 cohorts.

Figure 4: A higher proportion of people transitioned onto work-related visas in more recent years

Source: Office for National Statistics, Home Office

Notes: Study-related visa arrivals include those who arrive on study and study-dependant visas. Work dependant visas and graduate visas are included in work visas. Estimates are for non-EU nationals only. These estimates are for long-term international migrants only and do not include short-term migrants.

Working paper 2

11

Conclusion

43. Existing standards and definitions for measuring migration are a vital part of understanding population change but they are limited when compared to increasing mobility of people.

44. Alternative definitions of migration will need to take account of time and place conditions, which can offer insight into short and repeat movers and enable decision makers to plan for temporary population changes. Definitions based on status will highlight the needs of important groups of people.

45. The UK work to date on this demonstrates that administrative data sources can enable these more granular definitions. Longitudinal administrative data might also show changes in status within a stay in country, to help us understand the drivers of migration better than ever before.

  • I. Alternative definitions of migration
    • A. Migration statistics we already estimate
    • B. Why we want to expand our range of definitions
  • II. Conceptual framework
    • C. Condition based and qualifying-status based definitions
    • D. Condition based definitions
      • Figure 1 A conceptual framework of how people move into and out of populations
    • E. Qualifying-status based definitions
    • F. International students in the UK
      • Figure 2: Populations and flows by reason for migration - study and non-study
        • Source: Office for National Statistics
        • Notes: European Union Settled Status (EUSS), Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR).
  • III. Example Alternative Definitions
    • G. Short-term, circular and repeat migrants
    • H. Population present
    • I. Cohort analysis of International Students
      • Figure 3: The size of the student cohorts present in the UK decreases over time
      • Figure 4: A higher proportion of people transitioned onto work-related visas in more recent years
        • Notes: Study-related visa arrivals include those who arrive on study and study-dependant visas. Work dependant visas and graduate visas are included in work visas. Estimates are for non-EU nationals only. These estimates are for long-term internationa...
  • Conclusion